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American Heritage MagazineNovember 1996    Volume 47, Issue 7
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ENGINE OF LIBERATION


What you owe your car (ending the tyranny of the horse is only the beginning of it)
BY JOHN STEELE GORDON


THE AUTOMOBILE IS NOT AN AMERICAN invention. But an industry capable of manufacturing automobiles in vast numbers at prices the common man can afford most certainly is. And it is this invention that changed the world.

To get some idea of just how much, let’s do a thought experiment. Imagine it is six o’clock in the afternoon of a late August day in the year 1900. We are standing at the corner of Forty-second Street and Fifth Avenue in the heart of New York City. On the southwest corner rises the great ivy-clad receiving reservoir of the city’s water supply. Now empty, it will soon be torn down to make way for the New York Public Library.

On the northeast corner stands the house of Levi P. Morton, international banker, former Vice President of the United States, and former governor of New York. Northward the mansions of the nation’s other superrich line both sides of the avenue as far as Central Park and, on the east side of the thorough-fare, far beyond. The temperature is ninety; the humidity is not much lower. Cloud banks building in the west promise rain, and perhaps relief, in an hour or two.

Listen for a second. What do you hear?

You hear the horses. In the greatest metropolis of the Western Hemisphere there are nearly as many horses as there are people, perhaps two million animals throughout the five boroughs. The thousands of vehicles plunging up and down the avenue and the nearby cross streets in the gathering rush hour are almost all pulled by one or more of them. Their iron shoes clang on the Belgian paving blocks at every step; their harnesses and bells jingle with every movement; their snorts and whinnies and occasional screams punctuate the background noise.

THE AUTOMOBILE put its stamp on this country socially, economically, even artistically, as no other invention ever has.

You take a deep breath. What do you smell?

You smell the horses. It is an odor as overwhelming and pervasive as the smell of cheese in a cheese factory. To be sure, the inhabitants of that world do not notice it. They have smelled it all their lives, and their brains, in self-defense, have long since ceased to bring it to conscious attention. But we, brief visitors from the future, are almost gagged by it.

You look about you. What do you see?

You see the horses. Far worse, you see what the horses do to the streets. Many are sweating profusely, their tongues lolling out of their foam-beslobbered mouths as they labor in the heat. All are urinating and defecating frequently. Each horse produces about two gallons of urine a day and twenty pounds of excrement. That’s twenty thousand tons a day in New York City, greater than the weight of a battleship of the time. House sparrows, imported in the 1850s, ate the seeds in the droppings and help break them up to be more easily washed away. Nourished by this inexhaustible food supply, the birds breed in enormous numbers and excrete in their turn.

And horses die. The more unfortunate, which pull not the carriages of the rich but the drays of ordinary commerce, often die in harness, and their bodies are left by the sides of the streets, to be dragged off by private contractors paid by the city. Perhaps an average of twenty-five a day drop dead on the streets of Manhattan, more in the heat and stress of high summer. The bodies are cleared quickly from so busy and fashionable a corner as Forty-second and Fifth, but in the side streets and less elegant parts of town their remains can lie for days, swelling and stinking in the August sun, a mecca for flies, before they are carted off and disposed of.

IN 1996, HOWEVER, THEY ALL ARE gone, except for a few dozen carriage horses that haul tourists at extravagant prices in nice weather. Today the swish of tires over asphalt and the hum of engines provide the background music for the city’s streets, rather than the clip-clop of horses. The horn blast of an angry driver has replaced the shriek of a suddenly terrified animal.

The next time you read an article on the horrors of automobile pollution, you might remember your brief visit to another time and another place, a place and time where the pollution of horses lay underfoot as thick as fallen snow and filled the air as thick as fog. Then, perhaps, you’ll give a silent thank-you to Henry Ford and his brethren for freeing us from the tyranny of the horse, which, after all, was exactly what they set out to do in the first place.

Of course, those men did much more than that. It was the cheap automobile, far beyond any other invention, that transformed the daily life of the nineteenth century into that of the twentieth, especially in America, a country that loves its cars almost as much as it loves its liberty.

Let’s be clear though. For all its importance the automobile was not a fundamental invention. Such an invention must be something completely new under the sun, and the automobile, when all is said and done, is still just a horseless carriage. Fundamental inventions overturn the cultures that created them and bring forth whole new ones in their place. Twelve thousand years ago agriculture doomed the hunter-gatherer way of life and, in a few millenniums, created civilization. The printing press brought the Middle Ages to a crashing halt in only a few decades. Three centuries later the steam engine ended the primacy of land as the basis of wealth and made possible the triumph of capitalism and democracy. In our own day the computer in the form of the microprocessor is, right before our eyes, remaking the world once again in ways that as yet we only dimly perceive.

But if the automobile did not overturn nineteenth-century civilization, it greatly enlarged its possibilities and strengthened numerous trends already under way—and, as we have seen, made the world a much nicer place. In doing so, it put its stamp on this country, visually, economically, and socially, even artistically, as no other invention—including that great transformer of the nineteenth century, the railroad—ever has.

First, let’s look at the visual. One need only compare a nineteenth-century city, such as Chicago, with an essentially twentieth-century one, such as Houston or Los Angeles, to see how profound has been the impact of the automobile on the urban landscape. It has had an equally profound effect on the rural one.

IN 1900 THERE WERE ONLY SOME two hundred miles of paved roads in the entire country outside of cities. There was little need for them because only 4,000 cars were manufactured in the United States that year. A decade later, however, 187,000 cars were produced in a single year, and the demand for good roads was growing as quickly as the nation’s auto fleet. The Bronx River Parkway, begun in 1907 in New York, was the first limited-access highway, intended as much for “outings” as for actually getting somewhere. By the 1920s a system of interstate highways was beginning to take shape, one that would be completely replaced by another, far grander, starting in the 1950s.

The commerce along these new thoroughfares was from the outset affected by the automobile. The new cars needed gasoline. At first this could be purchased at general stores, bicycle shops, or smithies trying to reverse an irreversible decline. Then in 1905 the first purpose-built gas station opened, in St. Louis, Missouri. In 1913 the big oil companies, sensing opportunity, began opening their own stations. Soon there were hundreds of thousands.

But the new gas stations faced a problem. At the speed of a horse, about six miles an hour, people had time to look ahead and see what they were approaching. At thirty and soon forty miles per hour, however, that was much more difficult. So signs grew larger, and corporate logos became important for the first time because they could be grasped in an instant. The wordy style of nineteenth-century advertising started to disappear, not just from billboards but from newspapers and magazines, as the old sort of ad began to seem antiquated. The new punchy, visual style, of course, was perfectly pre-adapted to what would become the dominant advertising medium by the 1950s, television.

The new advertising style soon affected American literature as well, as did the automobile directly. For instance, the Philip Marlowe novels of Raymond Chandler—set in the already auto-besotted Los Angeles of the 1930s and 1940s—are unlike anything written in the nineteenth century.

The need to grab the attention of the passerby in an instant also led to numerous minor American art forms, such as buildings in the shape of ducks, tepees, Paul Bunyan, and heaven only knows what else. There was even a new kind of poetry. In 1925 a retired insurance salesman named Clinton Odell began manufacturing a brushless shaving cream. He sought to find a new way to bring it to the public’s attention, and it was his son, Allan, who found it. He suggested using a series of small billboards, each with one line of a jingle on it and the last with the name of the product: WITHIN THIS VALE/OF TOIL/AND SIN/ YOUR HEAD CROWS BALD/BUT NOT YOUR CHIN—USE / BURMA-SHAVE.

SIGNS grew larger, and corporate logos first became important, because they could be grasped in an instant.

It virtually demanded the attention of the passing motorist (and, perhaps especially, any child passengers), and the result was immediate commercial success for Burma-Shave and a national craze for jingle writing. By the 1940s there were as many as seven thousand different Burma-Shave jingles lining the nation’s highways, and the company paid a hundred dollars for every one sent in and accepted. Today the Burma-Shave campaign lives only in the advertising hall of fame (if there is such a thing), but perhaps an echo can be seen in a latter-day minor art form, the vanity license plate, which also commands close attention from passersby. (My favorite was on a Rolls-Royce Corniche convertible spotted on Sutton Place in Manhattan. Its license plate: “2ND CAR.”)

Soon hotels were forced to evolve to satisfy the needs of motorists. Motels (the word dates to 1925) sprang up, surrounded by ample parking and with each guest’s room only a few feet from his vehicle. Restaurants soon began catering to motorists, many of them in a hurry. Unfortunately the spread of franchising in the 1960s and 1970s much diminished the regional diversity of American highway cuisine. Today a hamburger in Seattle is likely to be indistinguishable from one in Georgia, right down to the shape, size, and color of the bag the french fries come in.

THE CAR made its biggest impact on the American landscape by making possible the modern suburb.

But it was only after World War II that the automobile made its biggest impact on the American landscape by making possible the modern suburb. Suburbs were created in the first instance by the railroads. The editor Horace Greeley used to commute to New York in the summer from his farm in Chappaqua, forty miles north of the city. These suburbs were very limited, however, because once the passengers disembarked from the train, they were again reduced to the speed of a horse. (Even worse, they had to wait to be picked up at the station. A horse can’t sit in a parking lot all day long.) So a demographic map of an American city in 1900 would have looked a bit like a daddy longlegs, with a dense core of population in the city center and only thin streaks of population running outward along the railroad and trolley tracks. All the rest was deep country.

TRIVIAL PART of the American economy in 1900, by the 1920s the automobile industry was the country’s largest.

The automobile allowed a completely different pattern. Today there is often a semi-void of residential population at the heart of a large city, surrounded by rings of less and less densely settled suburbs. These suburbs, primarily dependent on the automobile to function, are where the majority of the country’s population lives, a fact that has transformed our politics. Every city that had a major-league baseball team in 1950, with the exception only of New York—ever the exception—has had a drastic loss in population within its city limits over the last four and a half decades, sometimes by as much as 50 percent as people have moved outward, thanks to the automobile.

In more recent years the automobile has had a similar effect on the retail commercial sectors of smaller cities and towns, as shopping malls and superstores such as the Home Depot and Wal-Mart have sucked commerce off Main Street and into the surrounding countryside.

BUT THE AUTOMOBILE HAS had as great an effect on the country’s “economy as on its landscape. Nineteenth-century industry was largely dedicated to making industrial products, such as steel, products not bought by individuals. But the twentieth century’s economy has been increasingly consumer-oriented. The automobile was the first great industrial consumer product and did much to generate that sector of the economy. A trivial part of the American economy in 1900, the automobile industry was by the 1920s the country’s largest, as it remains to this day. For the automobile industry is not just the manufacture of automobiles. It encompasses as well the maintenance, servicing, and fueling of cars. Their garaging and parking are major industries in large cities. More, cars must be insured. Traffic must be policed. There are now magazines devoted solely to the sound systems in cars. Auto racing is no small affair. Highway building is a major component of the construction industry. Automobiles account for a very large percent of the gross domestic product.

Indirectly, the economic effect of the automobile has been equally profound. The vast growth of the petroleum, glass, and rubber industries, among others, in this century was largely fueled by the automobile. The drastic decline in the horse population resulted in vast amounts of agricultural land being switched from forage crops to human food, greatly reducing the cost of the latter as the supply increased. The twentieth-century advertising and hotel and tourism industries were built upon the automobile.

TODAY’S near-universal use of credit cards to purchase even such minor items as meals is a product of the automobile.

So was commercial credit. The automobile remains the most expensive major consumer product, an average-price car costing a very substantial fraction of average annual income. Banks in the early twentieth century dealt mostly with business and the very affluent, not the average worker. So automobile manufacturers set up their own credit organizations (such as the General Motors Acceptance Corporation) to help finance automobile purchases.

The idea of ordinary citizens borrowing money to buy the wherewithal of a better life was radically new in the early twentieth century, when most Americans still did not even have bank accounts or own their homes. But once it was established by the automobile, it was, inevitably, soon applied to other expensive consumer products, such as household appliances. Credit has been moving outward ever since to encompass more and more of the American economy. Today’s near-universal use of credit cards to purchase even such minor items as meals is, in a very real sense, a product of the automobile.

The automobile’s impact on the American economy also had a vast influence on the ebb and flow of geopolitics in this century. During the Second World War the American automobile industry, by orders of magnitude the largest in the world, produced a grand total of 139 cars. Instead, that huge industrial capacity had been transformed into the “arsenal of democracy,” turning out, in breathtaking volumes, the matériel that allowed the Allies to win the war. The Ford Motor Company alone had more military production than the entire Italian economy in the war years.

BUT IT IS SOCIALLY, PERHAPS, that the automobile has had its greatest impact on American civilization. For much of its history America was a lonely place. Europe was rich in people, poor in land. European farmers usually lived in villages. They walked out to the surrounding fields (usually owned by someone else) to work and back to the close proximity of their friends and neighbors at night.

But this country abounded in land, and its people were spread thinly upon it. The isolated farmhouse, set upon the family’s own land, quickly became the norm here, rather than the village. Many a pioneer family came to grief when one or more of its members could not cope with the lack of society. Until the automobile, there was no solution. The railroad had made rapid long-distance movement relatively easy, but local movement remained at the speed of the horse.

So if the nearest town was a mere five miles away, a visit to it would require virtually an entire day to accomplish, an expenditure of time that few farm families could afford very often. Even a visit to a nearby farm could be a considerable undertaking. The horses had to be hitched to a wagon or buggy, a matter that took several minutes even if the horse was in a cooperative mood, which was by no means guaranteed. Then, when the family returned, the horses had to be unhitched, cooled down, and cared for. Then, as now, horses were delicate and expensive means of transportation and required very high maintenance. Unless the family was affluent enough to hire people to handle these chores for them, they often had no real choice but to stay home.

THE “DATE,” once available in large measure only to city dwellers, spread rapidly through the small towns and farms of rural America.

The automobile, of course, changed that. Now a trip to town might take no more than an hour, a trip to a neighbor’s place for a cup of coffee only a few minutes. The stifling isolation of American farm life began to lift. So did the isolation of the individual towns and the cozy local monopolies of bank and general store. Now families could easily get to the next town if they didn’t like the service or the prices available in their own.

ANOTHER ASPECT OF SOCIAL life that the automobile changed was courting. Before the automobile, courting had to be largely accomplished in front of families and the watchful eyes of chaperons and was largely confined to one’s closest neighbors. Now real privacy and a far wider selection was possible. The “date,” once available in large measure only to city dwellers (a minority of the population in the nineteenth century), spread rapidly through the small towns and farms of rural America.

The automobile also gave women much more mobility and freedom. The skills needed to handle horses with confidence are difficult to acquire, but driving a car is easy. Once the electric starter removed the need for physical strength (and the device was commonplace by 1916), women began to move. It was the automobile as much as the Second World War that liberated women. American society, long the most fluid and thus the most dynamic in the world, has seen a quantum leap in that fluidity in the twentieth century, thanks to the automobile. And this evolving change has by no means played itself out.

Needless to say, much of this change did not come easily. The shift in agriculture caused by the automobile resulted in the squeezing out of marginal farmers and contributed in no small way to the onset of the Great Depression. The Joad family in Steinbeck’s The Crapes of Wrath were forced to migrate to California (in, of course, an automobile) when their drought-suffering farm could no longer sustain them.

IN 1972, cars killed 54,898 Americans, about the number who lost their lives in the Vietnam War then raging.

Americans had to learn, all too often at first hand, the power of half a ton or more of metal, glass, and rubber moving at forty miles an hour. Because the number of cars in the early days was small compared with later, the number of deaths was relatively low. But the slaughter on a vehicle-mile basis was awesome; in 1921 the rate was 24 per hundred million miles of travel. It began to decline as people became better drivers (most states did not require driver’s licenses until the 1930s), roads improved, and cars became more ruggedly constructed. The year 1972 proved the worst in terms of highway deaths when 54,589 people died on the nation’s highways, not much lower than the number who lost their lives in the entire Vietnam War then raging.

THE MECHANICS banging away in carriage sheds and basements ninety years ago gave our civilization its twentieth-century character.

Since then the rate has dropped more or less steadily, thanks to far better-designed cars and highways (padded bridge abutments, for instance) and a decline in alcohol consumption. In 1995 the death rate per hundred million vehicle miles was only 1.7.

THE MECHANICS AND TINKERers banging away in basements and carriage sheds at the turn of the century— men with names like Ford, Durant, Leland, Chrysler, Dodge, and Olds— weren’t trying to change the world. Many looked no further than just getting their latest designs to work. Most hoped only to make a buck out of what they were doing, and many of course did so, some in huge amounts.

But unintentionally they also gave American civilization, and thus the world in this “American Century,” their twentieth-century character, their very nature. That’s why when people a hundred years from now imagine themselves standing at the corner of Forty-second Street and Fifth Avenue on a hot August day in the year 2000, they will have to conjure up the automobile—its sounds, its smells, its shapes— to bring the scene to life.

John Steele Gordon writes our “Business of America” column, and his article “The Chicken Story” appeared in the July/ August issue.

 
Ten Innovations That Made History
The nuts-and-bolts perspective on how cars have shaped our lives
BY FREDERIC D. SCHWARZ

TECHNOLOGY HAS AN ENORinous influence on history, and automobiles are perhaps the most familiar example of this truism. Their influence didn’t end with the invention of the gasoline engine or when the first Model T left the factory; every new development in automotive engineering has ramifications throughout our car-dependent nation. The following list presents American Heritage’s choice of the ten technological innovations that have made the greatest difference in Americans’ lives.

As with all such lists, some omissions were necessary, and as with all such lists, we will begin by apologizing for them. We limited our scope to things found in or on the car itself, so interstate highways, trailers, and the moving assembly line were not eligible. We looked for advances that made major changes in the way we use or think about cars, so some incremental improvements like fuel injection and shaft drive didn’t make the grade. And we left off most protective items, such as safety glass, sealed-beam headlights, seat belts, and air bags, partly because no single one seemed dominant and partly because motorists too often compensate for safety advances by driving faster and more recklessly.

Within these limits, then, and without any pretense of having the final word on the subject, here are our selections:


Self-starter (1911)

Once started, an automobile engine will run by itself, but it takes a powerful impulse to put all those pistons and shafts in motion. In the early days a driver provided that impulse by vigorously turning a crank. Besides requiring a lot of elbow grease, cranking could be dangerous: Leave the car in gear or forget to retard the spark, and you could easily end up with broken bones. Fortunately, today’s liability lawyers were not around to strangle the automotive industry in its cradle.

Inventors devised gadgets to ease the burden with compressed air, springs, levers, or acetylene explosions. None were very reliable. Electrical systems were more promising but impractically bulky. Then in 1911 Charles Kettering of Dayton, Ohio, figured out how to make a modest-size battery deliver a short burst of intense power, as he had done on a smaller scale for his previous employer, National Cash Register. His electric starter was introduced on the 1912 Cadillac, and by 1916 virtually every American car except the Model T had abandoned the crank.

Kettering’s self-starter dealt a deathblow to steam vehicles as well as electrics, whose chief advantage, before modern concerns with pollution, was their easy starting. It also made driving much less arduous, especially for women. In doing so, it opened motoring to a far wider audience and turned the family car into an ordinary household appliance.


V-8 engine (1914)

If European cars are about elegance and Japanese cars are about dependability, American cars are about power. The simplest way to get extra power is to put more cylinders in the engine. Four was the early standard; as customers demanded additional oomph, manufacturers went to six, eight, or more. The more cylinders there are, however, the longer the crankshaft has to be, making it prone to vibration and twisting problems. But by lining up the cylinders in a V, four on each side, you can attach two of them to a single place on the shaft, which will need to be only about half as long.

The American V-8 engine appeared in 1907 and was made standard on Cadillacs in 1914, but it remained a luxury item until the 1932 Ford V-8, Henry Ford’s last great triumph. By casting the engine in a single block, Ford made big-car power cheap enough for anyone who could afford a new vehicle in the Depression (or steal one; the V-8 elicited fan mail from the outlaws John Dillinger and Clyde Barrow). Two-plus decades later the 1955 Chevrolet Bel Air introduced the “small block,” a light, inexpensive overhead-valve V-8 that started the “muscle car” phenomenon. Its’ descendants still form the basis for today’s Chevys.

The visceral thrill of stepping on the gas and feeling the engine’s smooth, quiet surge of power lies at the heart of our century-long affair with the automobile. The V-8 engine fulfilled America’s democratic ideal by making that thrill available to everyone.


Four-wheel hydraulic brakes (1920)

Early automakers concentrated on making cars go, not making them stop. Braking, after all, is simple; you just press something against the wheel rim. But mechanical brakes, with their wires and cables, broke down often and wore unevenly, making them pull to one side. Stopping a car took a strong forearm and lots of room.

In 1918 the airplane builder Malcolm Loughead (later changed to Lockheed) patented a braking system in which fluid transmitted pressure from the driver’s foot to all four wheels. The result was quicker, smoother stopping with no pull and fewer trips to the shop. Loughead’s system first appeared in the 1922 Duesenberg. In 1924 the Chrysler Six became the first production car to use it. Ford, as usual, was last to make the change, in 1939.

Four-wheel hydraulic brakes made driving safer, and by reducing the physical effort required, they allowed Detroit’s leaden behemoths of the 1950s and 1960s to be driven by sixteen-year-old girls. Moreover, efficient and reliable stopping lets Americans complain seriously that a speed limit of seventy-five miles per hour is too constricting. The eternal American obsession with speed has thus been able to continue its seamless progression from horses to steamboats to railroads to automobiles.


Balloon tires (1923)

Horse-drawn carriages did not have much padding, but fortunately old Dobbin couldn’t pull hard enough to give riders too big a jolt. When cars started scorching at twenty miles per hour over rutted country lanes, though, the shaking was intolerable. Improvements came on many fronts: paving materials, shock absorbers, independent suspension. The biggest change occurred where the rubber meets the road.

Bicycle-style pneumatic tires did a fair job of cushioning early autos but were increasingly inadequate as the vehicles got faster and heavier. They were only about four inches wide and required around sixty pounds of pressure, which did not provide much give. As the car industry grew, tire makers developed new recipes for rubber and learned to incorporate belts of cord fabric. In 1923 Harvey S. Firestone used these advances in his balloon tire, which was six inches wide and required only about thirty pounds of pressure. It was an instant hit. Just as important as the smooth ride and easier steering, low-pressure balloon tires blew out much less often. Spares were banished from the fender or running board to the trunk, and the days when fixing flats was a routine part of an auto excursion were gone forever.


Duco lacquer (1923)

“Any customer can have a car painted any color he wants so long as it is black.” Unlike most pithy quotes attributed to famous men, Henry Ford actually said this, and his reason, as usual, was based on speeding up production: Black lacquer dried the fastest. That was important, because as car sales exploded during the 1910s and 1920s, painting became an ever-bigger bottleneck. The moving assembly line could build a car in a few hours, but applying varnish and waiting for it to dry took at least a week, and often much longer. One manufacturer observed that without a solution, “it would have been necessary to put a roof over the entire state of Michigan to get storage space great enough.”

In the early 1920s Du Pont chemists devised a paint based on pyroxylin (similar to guncotton, an explosive with which the company had much experience). It dried fast —too fast in early tests, when a spray would turn to powder before hitting the car. In late 1923 General Motors introduced Duco lacquer on its Oakland line, and the pale “True Blue” finish was an instant hit. Suddenly painting times were measured in hours instead of weeks, and the last vestige of craftsmanship had been banished from large-scale domestic car manufacture. By 1935 heat lamps had made drying a five-minute step.


Unibody construction (1933)

Early cars were built like the carriages they replaced, with a wood-and-sheet-metal body, usually open to the elements, bolted onto a sturdy chassis. After World War I, auto design threw off the yoke of tradition, and by the late 1920s most cars had enclosed bodies made completely of steel except for the roof. The improvements in welding and metallurgy that had made all-steel construction possible suggested a further step: merging the chassis and body into a single unit. The 1934 Chrysler Airflow had such a unitary body; it was so strong that as a promotional stunt one was pushed over a 110-foot cliff and then driven away under its own power. But the Airflow’s many other innovations made it too revolutionary for Depression car buyers. It was the industry’s most notorious flop until the Edsel.

The 1940 Nash 600 series revived the concept, but war soon intervened. For many years after, the unibody’s advantages—lightness, ruggedness, safety, more interior room —were considered less important than the styling possibilities the old system allowed. Besides, American makers were reluctant to scrap their entire system of designing and building cars. Not until the oil crisis of the 1970s did unibody construction become generally accepted, its adoption allowing the American car industry to escape its postwar decline and start building nimble, reliable vehicles that could compete with the growing flood of imports.


Automatic transmission (1939)

Automobile engines run best at several thousand revolutions per minute, which must be geared down to drive the wheels. Changing speeds and road conditions call for different gear ratios, so shifting is required. In early cars this was done by sliding the appropriate gears in and out of place. The procedure was far from easy, especially the dreaded double declutching; if you didn’t do it right, your gears would be stripped. The Model T had a planetary transmission that was much simpler, but it could accommodate just two forward gears.

The 1929 Cadillac introduced Synchromesh, in which all gears are kept constantly in place, the unused ones turning freely on the shaft. Shifting was much easier and less perilous, but it still required simultaneous manipulation of the accelerator, the clutch, and the shift lever. To eliminate this nuisance, car makers began offering semiautomatic transmissions in the mid-1930s. The first fully automatic fluid-operated design appeared as Hydra-Matic in the 1940 Oldsmobile; today’s torque-converter design made its debut as Dynaflow in the 1948 Buick Roadmaster.

The automatic transmission removed the driver’s last tangible connection with the rough-and-tumble under the hood and made motoring more like using a toaster than operating a lathe. With the act of driving less inherently macho, power replaced elegance in car design as postwar youths and breadwinners resorted to chrome and fins to assert their masculinity. At the same time, the automatic transmission was the first major item in a car that most mechanics couldn’t fix and most drivers couldn’t even explain. Its introduction marked a symbolic distancing between Americans and their technology — from the clever application of familiar principles to an era where the machines that make up our everyday lives might as well run by magic.


Air conditioning (1950s)

The actor George Clooney of television’s “ER,” reflecting on his busy life, recently told Entertainment Weekly: “Driving for me is therapy. That’s my one place where I won’t be hassled.” Quite a change from early in the century, when drivers had to contend with terrible roads, constant mechanical malfunctions, and the vagaries of weather. Many advances have led to the car-as-pleasure-palace mentality, from enclosed bodies in the 1920s to stereos, telephones, and faxes today. But the most important is automotive air conditioning. Would Clooney find driving so soothing in hundred-degree heat?

Though inefficient water-based systems go back as far as 1902, Packard introduced modern automotive air conditioning in 1939, to little public interest. It was revived as a luxury after-market item in Texas—where else? —in the early 1950s. Ford and GM first offered factory a/c in 1953, and since then it has become nearly universal, despite its high cost and power consumption. The result: Commuters can now spend hours crawling through traffic in Phoenix or Las Vegas without roasting to death. Automobiles created the suburbs, but it took automotive air conditioning to create suburban sprawl and make the Sunbelt just as overcrowded as our old-fashioned cities.


Catalytic converter (1975)

In 1896 Pedro G. Salom of Philadelphia, an electric-car enthusiast, scoffed at the future of internal combustion: “Imagine thousands of such vehicles on the streets, each offering up its own column of smell!” Americans learned to put up with it, just as they had put up with a different sort of pollution from horses. As decades went by, though, the problems associated with automobile exhaust — medical and environmental as well as aesthetic—became too great to ignore.

The Clean Air Act of 1970 mandated huge reductions in the worst pollutants. Car makers responded with the catalytic converter, introduced on 1975 models, which uses finely divided platinum and palladium to turn nasty carbon monoxide into relatively benign carbon dioxide. By 1981 the catalytic converter, in combination with unleaded gasoline and redesigned engines, had cut most major pollutants by 70 percent. A trip to any freeway will reveal that the smog problem still remains, but the catalytic converter has bought several decades of time for America’s car culture until new solutions—perhaps using Salom’s beloved electric propulsion—can be developed.


Microprocessors (late 1970s)

Most of the items on this list had a big impact in one particular area of driving. The influence of microprocessors has been less dramatic but much more pervasive. With computerized suspension and ignition systems, fuel injection, anti-lock brakes, pollution control, and many others, some modern cars contain more than a hundred separate microprocessors, each doing its part to save lives, fuel, and annoyance.

The microprocessor was invented in 1970, and one early manufacturer was Motorola. As its name implies, the company had long-standing ties to the automotive industry; forty years earlier it had built the first car radio. In 1975 Motorola designed a simple chip for General Motors that recorded distance traveled on a trip. Two years later Ford asked Motorola for an electronic device to control fuel flow, spark timing, and combustion in its 1980 models. Today almost every aspect of a car’s performance can be governed by microprocessors, down to planning a route and adjusting the position of the driver’s seat. While some of these advances have been of questionable value—like talking dashboards or computer-simulated dials instead of real ones —the main value of microprocessors is the way they allow engineers to make adjustments, or even virtually redesign components, by simply putting in a new chip. This flexibility eases the conflict between innovation and mass production that has caused so many problems for the American automobile industry.

Frederic D. Schwarz is an associate editor of this magazine.


 
Road Book
The most American of American literary genres is nearly as old as the motorcar itself
BY DOUGLAS BRINKLEY

WITH FREDERICK JACKSON Turner’s declaration that America’s Western frontier was closed, in 1893—soon after the first concrete street was paved, in Bellefontaine, Ohio—a new era began in travel writing. For just because the virgin land was vanishing didn’t mean that American wanderlust had seen its day. To the contrary, movement for movement’s sake was still a national obsession, and Walt Whitman’s “Song of the Open Road,” first published in 1856 as “Poem of the Road,” still served as the literary wellspring of democratic enlightenment. Whitman, whom D. H. Lawrence called the first “white aboriginal,” said that listening to the “cheerful voice of the public road” led to wisdom. Ralph Waldo Emerson put it more succinctly: “There is no truth but in transit.” And as long as people moved about, there would be travel journals.

The Western tradition of travel writing can be traced back at least to thirteenth-century Icelandic and Norwegian epic narratives, but it wasn’t until the mid-nineteenth century and the advent of Whitman, Emerson, and Henry David Thoreau that “the journey” took on a decidedly self-reflective dimension. The redemptive effect of abandoning one’s own status quo in search of the inner self, a general premise of nearly all American road narratives, was a sacred given to Thoreau. “For every walk is a sort of crusade,” he wrote, “preached by some Peter the Hermit in us, to go forth and reconquer this Holy Land from the hands of the Infidels.”

Ironically, it was Thoreau’s infidels— the industrialists who preached the gospel of unfettered commerce—who wound up inspiring the modern genre of “highway literature” or “road books” by developing the automobile. And motorized travel gave the generation inaugurating Henry Luce’s “American Century” something transcendental indeed: “Thoreau at 29 cents a gallon,” as one commentator put it.

Early highway literature appeared in manufacturers’ promotional pamphlets, song sheets, and racing books designed to stir consumers’ imaginations—and open their wallets. In 1903 H. Nelson Jackson, a thirty-one-year-old Vermont doctor, and his mechanic, Sewall Crocker, piloted a used two-seater Winton motorcar from California to New York in a mere sixty-three days and celebrated the feat in a pamphlet they penned on commission from the Winton Motor Carriage Company for promotional distribution and which was titled From Ocean to Ocean in a Winton. Some scholars believe this to be the first road book.

A decade later U.S. automobile registrations had grown from a few thousand to almost half a million. The rage was on, full throttle. “Within only two or three years, every one of you will have yielded to the horseless craze and be a boastful owner of a metal demon,” predicted the Indiana novelist Booth Tarkington, who fretted that automobiles would transform America’s roads from Walt Whitman’s paths of transcendental enlightenment into William Blake’s apocalyptic avenues of industrial angst.

But not every “serious” writer shared that view. As Henry Ford’s Highland Park assembly line began punching out Model T’s at an astonishing rate, Tarkington’s fellow Indianan Theodore Dreiser, who had been living in New York City writing his controversial novels The Financier (1912), The Titan (1914), and The Genius (1915), found his imagination piqued by the automobile’s indisputable advantages over other means of leisure travel. In Dreiser’s eyes the automobile, far from being a metal demon, could have a liberating effect on America’s bulging middle class. As for himself, writing three long novels in succession had made Dreiser eager to travel—with a purpose, of course.

Given his predilections, Dreiser gladly accepted when his friend Franklin Booth, an illustrator for The Masses, asked the renowned author to accompany him in his new Ford motorcar on a two-thousand-mile roundtrip from Manhattan to Indiana. Thus Dreiser became the progenitor of a genuine literary subgenre: the American road book. Henry James’s The American Scene (1907) had included passages about automobiles, Sunset magazine had featured Victor Eubank’s thoughtful essay “Log of an Auto Prairie Schooner: Motor Pioneers on the Trail to Sunset” in 1912, and Effie Price Gladding had written the boosterish Across the Continent by the Lincoln Highway three years later, but it was Dreiser’s five-hundred-page A Hoosier Holiday (1916), brimming with poignant detail and poetic passages, that brought the automobile to the forefront of American literature. As H. L. Mencken noted in The Smart Set, A Hoosier Holiday (along with certain sections of The Titan) marked “the high tide of Dreiser’s writing,” and that is high praise indeed.

A Hoosier Holiday’s story line is simple. Dreiser, born in Terre Haute, hadn’t been back to the towns of south-central Indiana since he had been a sixteen-year-old ambitious to become a big-city reporter twenty-eight years earlier. His reasons for the 1915 “pilgrimage” were myriad: nostalgia, a social realist’s penchant for taking the pulse of the nation, a middle-aged yearning for episodic adventure, and the impulse to write an automobile-trek book.

WITH HIS AUTOMOBILE CLUB of America “scenic route” map in hand, Dreiser, the self-designated pathfinder, headed out to taste America with Booth and “a blonde, lithe, gangling youth with an eerie farmer-like look” named Speed, the chauffeur. Speed’s real name is never revealed, nor need it be; he is an “autohead,” a gifted grease monkey W!TO lives for cars and can fix a flat tire in about the time it would take the then Boston Red Sox pitcher Babe Ruth to down a beer.

“I can think of nothing more suited to my temperament than automobiling,” Dreiser wrote. “It supplies just that mixture of change in fixity which satisfies me—leaves me mentally poised in inquiry, which is always delightful.” A Hoosier Holiday is essentially a tribute to the enduring virtues of Whitman’s Open Road. Here are Dreiser, Booth, and Speed together, speeding along through the dusk, celebrating the freedom of motorized travel: “We clambered up the bank on the farther side, the car making great noise. In this sweet twilight with fireflies and spirals of gnats and ‘pinchin’ bugs,’ as Speed called them, we tore the remainder of the distance, the eyes of the car glowing like great flames.”

Throughout A Hoosier Holiday Dreiser apostrophizes on everything from Slavic immigration to women’s fashions. He muses on tinsel tourists at the Delaware Water Gap, where New York finally sheds its grip; the drowsy hill villages where “ordinariness” is a coveted way of life; delectable roadside breakfasts and rotten-egg lunches; the giant coal pits of western Pennsylvania and the dull sidewalks of Scranton; the sandy beaches of Sandusky and the fallow cornfields of Indiana—thereby singing a chant of Middle America. “I know, indeed, of no book which better describes the American hinterland,” Mencken wrote of A Hoosier Holiday. “Here we have no idle spying by a stranger, but a full-length representation by one who knows the things he describes intimately, and is himself a part of it.”

Like most genuine works of art, A Hoosier Holiday operates on many levels, and Dreiser scholars can certainly learn much about him from this partial autobiography. But of more lasting interest is the automobile prose itself, detailing the hours Dreiser, Booth, and Speed “idled together” down the “poor, undernourished routes which the dull, imitative rabble shun, and where, because of this very fact, you have some peace and quiet.”

Although in no real hurry, Dreiser did enjoy sheer velocity: “It was the first opportunity that Speed had had to show what the machine could do,” he wrote, fore-shadowing Jack Kerouac’s portrait of Neal Cassady as Dean Moriarity in On the Road forty years later, “and instantly, though various signs read ‘Speed Limit: 25 miles an hour,’ I saw the speedometer climb to thirty-five and then forty and then to forty-five. It was a smooth-running machine which, at its best (or worst), gave vent to a tr-t-r-r-r-r-r-r-r-r-r which became after a while somewhat like a croon.”

There is no mistaking Dreiser’s cultural nationalism in A Hoosier Holiday; he loved filling his notebook with the names of towns such as Tobyhanna, Meshoppen, Blossburg, and Roaring Branch. His pilgrimage through the Midwest made him “enamored of our American country life once more.” On the other hand, he also fumed over the ugliness of industrial cities like Cleveland, Buffalo, and Indianapolis, all hell-bent on building skyscrapers. “Destroy the old, the different, and let’s be like New York!” Dreiser lamented of overambitious downtowns. “Every time I see one of these tenth-rate imitations, copying these great whales, I want to swear.”

Dreiser was creating a new genre, and not a single review called A Hoosier Holiday a “road book”; the term did not become popular until the 1950s. Nevertheless, his contemporaries immediately understood that the pioneer of literary naturalism had brought Whitman’s exuberance for the open road into the modern era. Just three years after the publication of A Hoosier Holiday, Sinclair Lewis issued his own picaresque highway romance novel, Free Air (1919), a clever hybrid of the dime Western and the gothic romance. Although Free Air is considered fiction, Lewis based it on his own cross-country jaunt in a Model T as a newlywed in 1916, escaping from Minneapolis to Seattle with his bride, Grace Hegger Lewis, who appears as the socialite Claire Boltwood in the book. As Claire navigates the deep-rutted rural roads of Minnesota, she pronounces the adventure a “voyage into democracy.”

Following in the tire tracks of Dreiser and Lewis, much memorable fiction of the 1920s and 1930s prominently features the automobile, from F. Scott Fitzgerald’s The Great Gatsby (1925) and John Dos Passos’s The 42nd Parallel (1930) to Erskine Caldwell’s Tobacco Road (1933) and John Steinbeck’s The Grapes of Wrath (1939). Each of these quintessentially American writers portrayed driving a car down what Steinbeck called “roads of flight” as the escape route from institutional racism, stark poverty, a regimented life, or whatever else ailed you. James Agee perhaps best summed up the nation’s infatuation with the automobile in “The Great American Roadside,” a 1934 essay published in Fortune. “God made the American restive,” Agee wrote. “The American in turn and in due time got the automobile and found it good. The war exasperated his restiveness and the twenties made him rich and more restive still and he found the automobile not merely good but better and better. It was good because continuously it satisfied and at the same time greatly sharpened his hunger for movement; which is very probably the profoundest and most compelling of American racial hungers. The fact is that the automobile became a hypnosis.”

It would take reams to list all the great American novels in which the automobile plays a pivotal role. Every reader has his own favorite literary road scene, be it the superb opening of Robert Penn Warren’s All the Kings Men (1946) or Humbert Humbert’s experiencing the whole gamut of our roadside kitsch in Vladimir Nabokov’s Lolita (1955) or the declaration of Mr. Shiftlet in Flannery O’Connor’s short story “The Life You Save May Be Your Own,” who declares, “The body, lady, is like a house: it don’t go anywhere; but the spirit, lady, is like an automobile: always on the move always.”

AFTER WORLD WAR II, However, road books that tended to embrace Booth Tarkington’s notion of the automobile as a metal demon began to appear. Indisputably the most surly was Henry Miller’s The Air Conditioned Nightmare (1945). Miller, who had been living in Paris as the notorious expatriate author of Tropic of Cancer, had returned to America for a spell and decided to travel the despised nation of his birth by automobile. He lambasted everything from supermarkets to hairstyles to exhaust fumes—to cars themselves, which got a swift kick after the author chugged up a California mountain pass on his way to San Bernardino: “Everything but the ocean seems jammed into this mile-high circus at sixty miles an hour. It wasn’t I who got the thrill —it was a man inside me trying to recapture the imagined thrill of the pioneers who came through this pass on foot and horseback. Seated in an automobile, hemmed in by a horde of Sunday afternoon maniacs, one can’t possibly experience the emotion which such a scene should produce in the human breast.” Miller denounced the automobile as a “symbol of falsity and illusion.”

His bitterness toward the car echoes into the present. Miller was prophetic in describing the auto as a scourge of nature rather than a tonic for the soul. His disaffection is sideswiped by Jack Kerouac in On the Road (1957), the best-known highway book of the century, which is both a protest against Eisenhowerera conformity and a self-celebration of Whitmanesque proportions. The prose is pure high-octane wanderlust; the reader doesn’t even have to know what Kerouac meant by “the mad road, keening in a seizure of tarpaulin power” to understand this portrait of a beat generation questing for the heroic. On the Road’s language is exhilarating, and Kerouac’s societal indictments get lost in his romantic rush to blaze across America in a big, shiny, tail-finned car, listening to Dizzy Gillespie blow jazz on the radio, eating pie ala mode in Iowa, talking about the Old West in Manhattan, shooting pool in San Francisco’s Chinatown, working as a migrant laborer in California, drinking cervezas in Old Mexico, and all the while searching for “It”—“the moment when you know all and everything is decided forever.” A Hoosier Holiday had primed its readers to take automobile sightseeing vacations; On the Road exhorted them to reconsider their lives.

The book made Jack Kerouac forever synonymous with tales of the highway, and few other novels can have caused so many restless people to wander their nation contemplating the nature of existence. Not surprisingly, much of the best road literature of the 1960s and 1970s owes a debt to Kerouac. Robert M. Pirsig’s Zen and the Art of Motorcycle Maintenance (1974), for example, is a classic hybrid of Thoreau and Kerouac, a road guide to spiritual recuperation that can be seen as an early progenitor of so-called New Age literature. But as Pirsig traveled America, it was a dog-eared copy of Waiden he packed in his motorcycle’s saddlebags because “it can be read a hundred times without exhaustion.”

PIRSIG, INTRODUCED A NEW ELEment to the road story: rock ’n’ roll. Of course, rock music in all its guises—country, blues, Motown—has drawn every bit as much on cars as on sex and whiskey. Many of Chuck Berry’s hits make mention of them, and it is hard to imagine Bob Dylan writing the lyrics for his album Highway 61 Revisited without first having devoured Kerouac’s opus. The same can be assumed of most of the frenetic and impressionistic New Journalists of the counterculture era, particularly Tom Wolfe in his essay on the stockcar driver Junior Johnson and in The Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test (1968), in which Neal Cassady drives Ken Kesey’s psychedelic bus “FURTHUR” across America, responding only to the nickname Speed Limit. Movies of the era such as Easy Rider celebrated the road in a no-holds-barred hippie fashion—even if that one ends with the protagonists being shotgunned.

That violent end of the road found its Boswell in Hunter S. Thompson, whose Hell’s Angels (1967) and Fear and Loathing in Las Vegas (1971) are model studies of the terror that could descend upon Whitman’s Open Road. By the time Thompson’s character Raoul Duke got through destroying half the rent-a-cars in Vegas with a head full of scotch, speed, and LSD, the term road trip had taken on an entirely new meaning. Yet Thompson admitted that the automobile was hardly an outlaw symbol; in fact, it had become synonymous with suburban middle-class conformity. “Old elephants limp off to the hills to die,” Thompson wrote in Fear and Loathing. “Old Americans go out to the highway and drive themselves to death in huge cars.”

Yet, just as most Americans in the 1960s and 1970s supported the Vietnam War despite its lively literary detractors, they also refused to let Kerouac and Company hijack the more traditional, serene road narrative from their literary predecessors. John Steinbeck’s Travels With Charley (1962), Erskine Caldwell’s Around About America (1964), and William Saroyan’s Short Drive, Sweet Chariot (1966), for example, are in the same sociological vein as A Hoosier Holiday: just some more world-renowned authors with silver hair and wrinkles trying to get back in touch with an American landscape they had lost track of. Saroyan, nearly sixty, found spiritual awakening behind the wheel of a Buick: “It isn’t simply driving at night, it is going on … to find out what’s out there now, not so much along the highway, in the terrain, under the sky, but in the interior of the driver himself.” So, if On the Road had inspired a million denim-clad teenagers to hit the highways of America in search of themselves, then Travels With Charley did the same for the senior citizens, who hurried out to buy Winnebagos, join “Good Sam Clubs,” and go, Go, GO with big dogs in tow to find the promised land of yesteryear.

“Nearly all the driving technique is deeply buried in a machine-like unconsciousness,” Steinbeck wrote. “This being so, a large area of the conscious mind is left free for thinking.” Thus, older, more traditional American writers also used the automobile to lubricate reflections on the American dream. John Updike’s “Rabbit” tetralogy, for instance, traced the cycle of Harry Angstrom’s repeated flights down the highway from domestic unhappiness and then back again to family obligation— and his car dealership.

By the late 1970s the road had become more popular than ever. These folks heading out on vacation in the family station wagon were not reading On the Road and popping “black beauties” to make time. They just wanted to “see America” and enjoy everything in it, from Mount Rushmore to the stuffed jackalopes in curio shops throughout the Southwest. If the suburban set read any hook at all, it was probably Peter Jenkins’s 1979 blockbuster A Walk Across America, which was so inoffensive that both Hilly Graham and Oral Roberts recommended it to their congregations.

And while what had by then been christened the silent majority regarded the “CBS Evening News” anchorman Walter Cronkite as the most trusted man in America, his good humored sidekick Charles kuralt was a close second, thanks to his “On the Road” video features that celebrated small-town values and rural wonderments. In addition to his television reports and specials, Kuralt wrote no fewer than three “On the Road” hooks, all of which went to the top of the bestseller lists. Adding to this mainstreaming of road literature was William Least 11 eat Moon’s 1982 Blue Highways, a disgruntled English professor’s account of touring America’s back roads by van with a copy of Leaves of Grass always in reach. Moon, like Dreiser sixty-six years before him, sought out the authentic nooks and crannies in a nation overrun with industrialization, and an eager reading public was reassured by his affirmation that all was not lost. Like kuralt, Moon took a personally cathartic road trip and generally came home with a happy report on the state of the nation. After a turn down darker highways, the road book had returned to the optimism of its genre’s progenitor, A Hoosier Holiday.

Douglas Brinkley is director of the Eisenhower Center for American Studies and professor of history at the University of New Orleans.


 
 
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