February 14, 2007
The Governor Goes to War II Posted by Alexander Burns at 11:25 AM EST In October 2004 an Atlantic Monthly profile of then–New York State Attorney General Eliot Spitzer noted that the crusading lawyer kept a portrait of Theodore Roosevelt in his office. This portrait was taken as a useful token of Spitzer’s personality and ambition. It signified his identification with one of New York’s best-known governors, noted for his aggressive and confrontational political style. It also suggested the boundlessness of Spitzer’s ambition. If there was any doubt that his aspirations extended beyond the statehouse in Albany, the portrait removed it. Considering the recent developments of Spitzer’s second month in office, detailed by John Steele Gordon, it occurs to me that Spitzer’s relationship to TR may be taking on a new significance. In addition to sharing some of TR’s political style, Spitzer now seems to face some of the same challenges in governing that Roosevelt confronted. Spitzer faces a legislature that, as Mr. Gordon noted, does practically nothing to represent the interests of New York voters. It is controlled by Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver, a New York City Democrat, and Senate Majority Leader Joseph Bruno, a Republican from Rensselaer County. If Spitzer hopes to accomplish real reform in Albany, he’ll eventually need to take out both of these men. Bruno already seems close to falling—his majority has narrowed to two votes and a Spitzer-allied Democrat seems poised to take over. With Lieutenant Governor David Paterson, the former Senate minority leader, by his side, Spitzer should soon see substantial cooperation from the legislature’s upper chamber. Speaker Silver and his cadre in the Assembly will be Spitzer’s more tenacious adversaries, and this is where the parallel with TR begins to show. After the first congressional elections of Roosevelt’s Presidency, the House elevated Joe Cannon, the chairman of the Appropriations Committee, to the office of speaker. In the Senate, Rhode Island Republican Nelson Aldrich led his party. Cannon in particular wielded huge influence, since he was not only speaker, but also, simultaneously, chairman of the House Rules Committee. Both he and Aldrich were members of Roosevelt’s party, but both were resistant to the kinds of reforms the President hoped to implement. During his time in the White House, Roosevelt actually dealt with these men fairly gingerly, maintaining friendly relations with Cannon even while locking horns on issues of policy. After leaving office, however, Roosevelt found himself frustrated by the continued power of the GOP’s congressional leadership. Then, during the first Congress of Taft’s Presidency, Roosevelt lent some support to a group of younger, progressive members of Congress determined to overthrow the speaker. The so-called “insurgents” in the House, led by members like George Norris, removed Cannon from his position as Rules Committee chair and instituted a seniority system, which promoted members based on their terms of service. This replaced the previous method of committee assignments and promotions, which placed sole appointment power with the speaker. Soon thereafter, Democrats seized control of the House in the 1910 midterm elections and expelled Cannon from the speaker’s office altogether. A century later, Governor Spitzer finds himself similarly opposed by a legislative leader of his own party as he pushes for reform. He is presented with a decision either to moderate his own agenda or to fight to the death against this anti-reformist leadership. If he hopes to succeed as governor, Spitzer will surely have to end by taking down the speaker. Unlike Roosevelt, Spitzer seems to have recognized and accepted this early on. And unlike Cannon, Speaker Silver has decided to start the fight.
|
