Sometimes Our Job Is To Say No

PrintPrintEmailEmail

I have occasionally been referred to as “Senator No,” and I’m proud of the title. But when it comes to saying no, I’m not even in the same ballpark with the first North Carolinian to serve as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Nathaniel Ma¡on. A Revolutionary War veteran and native of Warrenton, Senator Macon was chairman between 1825 and 1829. He was a fierce opponent of any and all measures to expand the power of the new federal government.

 

I have occasionally been referred to as “Senator No,” and I’m proud of the title. But when it comes to saying no, I’m not even in the same ballpark with the first North Carolinian to serve as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Nathaniel Ma¡on. A Revolutionary War veteran and native of Warrenton, Senator Macon was chairman between 1825 and 1829. He was a fierce opponent of any and all measures to expand the power of the new federal government. Indeed, during his entire thirty-seven-year tenure in Congress, Macon cast more no votes than did any ten other members combined.

He believed what I do: Saying no is a part of the job of being the Foreign Relations Committee chairman. As much as some might wish it otherwise, the committee was never meant to be a rubber stamp for administration policies.

Of course, this fact does not please everyone. Take the following passage from the journal Foreign Affairs : “[The senator] exercises the power of protest and veto. . . . It would not occur to [him] that he must sacrifice any of his liberty of action because he had become Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations. He has always spoken his mind on all subjects, and he continues to speak it. If he does not like French policy . . . or British policy . . . he says so loudly and publicly. He feels perfectly free to indulge in running comment on the acts of foreign powers . . . and on any and all negotiations however delicate at any time while they are in progress. . . . The ensuing troubles of the Executive do not break his heart. . . . As a matter of fact, he regards it as his high duty to watch the Executive with the utmost suspicion. . . . He is . . . determined . . . to make the Senate a major partner in diplomatic affairs.”

That essay was not written about the current chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee (though I would plead nolo contendere if it had been). It was written in January 1926 by Walter Lippmann about Sen. William Borah of Idaho, who succeeded Henry Cabot Lodge as chairman in 1924. (While I don’t subscribe to all of Senator Borah’s views, I sure do like his style.)

Chairman Borah was not alone in provoking the ire of the foreign policy elites. Consider this missive launched against his predecessor, Chairman Lodge, by the New York Times editorial page on July 19, 1919: “The light of truth and knowledge will penetrate the shadows of the crypt in which the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate holds its sessions only over the prostrate form of Henry Cabot Lodge, Chairman of that Committee. The legions of light, multitudinous, bold, powerful, have by their approach startled the hosts of night in their encampment within that chamber. They storm the entrance, but there stands Lodge . . . unconquerable and opaque at the door of the Committee room . . .”

Clearly the Senate Foreign Relations Committee began rankling the folks up at The New York Times and the Council on Foreign Relations long before I took the helm.

The Times editorialist who wrote that passage was frustrated with Chairman Lodge because of his opposition to the League of Nations. This is not surprising; the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has always been a source of frustration for Utopian idealists in a rush to remake the world. And this, I believe, is exactly what our Founding Fathers intended. The Senate is slow to action by design, a brake on impulsive instincts. And the Foreign Relations Committee was, I believe, intended to be the Senate’s brake on foreign policy.

President Wilson lost the League of Nations largely because he approached the Senate with such disdain.

The committee’s role is contemplative; it is our job to say to Presidents and Secretaries of State, when they come demanding quick action on “urgent” treaties and legislation, “Slow down, let’s think on this a little.” We hold hearings, we listen to witnesses with differing points of view. Then, sometimes, our job is to work with an administration to improve its proposals. And sometimes our job is to say no.

Needless to say, this has been frustrating to generations of American Presidents. Woodrow Wilson, for example, loathed the United States Senate. He was a man in a hurry, with grand visions of a new world order, and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee stood in his way. (Thank goodness.)