- Historic Sites
America’s African Colony
The saga of Liberia’s beginnings reflects both America’ humanitarian generosity and its racism
December 1995 | Volume 46, Issue 8
I have a confession. Last year, when Americans were asked to help feed the survivors of civil war in Rwanda, I had to go to the atlas to find out where Rwanda was. Like most Americans —including, I am sure, most of the thirty million or so of African descent—I know almost nothing about what American and European writers in my youth still called the Dark Continent. Somehow, Americans in the thick of African rivalries seemed an anomaly. After all, unlike the British, French, Italians, Germans, Portuguese, and Dutch, we had never had a colony there.
Which only shows how easy it is even for trained U.S. historians to forget or ignore the realities of Africa’s past. I had to be reminded that there was actually a governmentassisted private adventure in American colonization there when the United States itself was young. The result was an African republic, now one of the world’s oldest at 148 years, whose government meets in a city named for our fifth President. I speak, of course, of Liberia, whose capital, Monrovia, is named for James Monroe.
The story of Liberia’s beginnings is a fine showcase for the strange mixture of humanitarian generosity and ignorant racism that white America has long shown toward “undeveloped” inhabitants of the globe. In brief, Liberia was launched as a charitable undertaking, with strong support from evangelical Christians. Its most influential white sponsors were slaveholders anxious to rid the United States entirely of any free black presence. Its actual pioneer settlers were voluntary expatriates, mostly drawn from the small American communities of free blacks. Both sponsors and settlers were woefully ignorant of the geography and hazards of their promised land and deluded about the indigenous peoples already living there.
The starting point was the creation, in 1816, of the American Colonization Society (ACS). The organization owed its existence to the coinciding of several unusual historical circumstances. Slavery had died out in the Northern part of the Union, where it had never prospered. The cotton boom in the Deep South, which would later revive the institution, had yet to gain momentum. European and British public opinion was also turning against slavery, and closer to American shores, Haitian slaves had established a “Negro republic” in 1804 after throwing out their French masters, a very worrisome precedent as American plantation owners saw it. Meanwhile, a second Great Awakening was beginning to sweep through the United States. Its calls for the swift conversion of the world to Christianity in anticipation of Christ’s imminent second coming gave birth to the foreign missionary movement.
All these overlapping events fed the dreams of the ACS’s founders, patriotic and patriarchal men like Henry Clay, Francis Scott Key, and Supreme Court Justice Bushrod Washington, nephew of the first President. They envisioned African settlements that would receive slaves to be voluntarily emancipated by their owners, as well as emigrants from among the roughly two hundred thousand blacks already at liberty. Colonization, they promised, would not only help remove the “blot” of bondage but enhance the market value of remaining slaves. It would also remove from American shores a free black population that was “for the most part idle and useless, and too often vicious and mischievous.” In Africa, U.S.-born blacks could “enlighten the dark minds” of the natives, to whom they were superior, and could help “break the shackles of superstition.” Congress appropriated a hundred thousand dollars of seed money to help.
Starting the project required some free blacks to agree in effect to deport themselves. Most black churches and associations made their lack of enthusiasm clear. They pointed out that they were generations removed from their African roots, had as good a claim as any other Americans to citizenship, and would do perfectly well for themselves if given the schooling and job opportunities that whites routinely enjoyed. Nevertheless, some pious blacks had caught the missionary fever, and others hardheadedly decided that emigration offered chances for real independence that simply were not going to become available in America. They signed on, in the hope of turning a part of Africa into a little replica of Massachusetts or Maryland in order to prove what they could do.
A preliminary reconnaissance by white agents of the ACS found a convenient location for “Liberia,” the land of freedom, on the Ivory Coast near a British-owned settlement of rescued slaves in Sierra Leone. There were chiefs of the miscellaneous native peoples who seemed willing to sell land to the society, so the black Mayflower (actually a brigantine named the Elizabeth ) set sail in January 1820 in the charge of the Reverend Samuel Bacon—Harvard graduate, missionary, and former marine in the recent war with England. The ship carried eighty-six colonists, twenty-eight of them men.