… or why in America campaign-finance reform never succeeds
A year ago we were in the midst of a presidential campaign most memorable for charges by both sides that the opponent was not hard enough, tough enough, masculine enough. That he was, in fact, a sissy. Both sides also admitted this sort of rhetoric was deplorable. But it’s been going on since the beginning of the Republic.
To keep Upton Sinclair from becoming governor of California in 1934, his opponents invented a whole new kind of campaign
The distasteful questions we ask our presidential hopefuls serve a real purpose
It’s not surprising that Democrats seek to wrap themselves in the Roosevelt cloak; what’s harder to understand is why so many Republicans do too. A distinguished historian explains.
It took place in 1948, and it was orchestrated—with difficulty—by the program director of a faltering Portland, Oregon, radio station. He persuaded two Republican candidates to argue formally about an actual issue with no intervening moderator.
Here is how political cartoonists have sized up the candidates over a tumultuous half-century.
The ground rules have changed drastically since 1789. Abigail Adams, stifled in her time, would have loved being First Lady today.
A noted historian argues that television, a relative newcomer, has nearly destroyed old—and valuable—political traditions
Presidential candidates stayed above the battle until William Jennings Bryan stumped the nation in 1896; they’ve been in the thick of it ever since
Their homely symbols tell us more about voter behavior than party platforms do
Who runs the country? Administrative agencies. Who runs the administrative agencies? Well, there was this road they were going to put right through the old Rockefeller place, and …
While Bryan stumped up and down the land, McKinley let the voters come to his lawn in Canton—and they came